The latest polls
show that Republican voters are far from agreeing on a
consensus candidate, a presidential nominee who embodies
conservative ideals and can win in 2008. Even as that
search continues, Arizona's Sen. John McCain has climbed
back into contention with a dramatic resurgence showing
conclusively that he deserves a second look from the
Republican faithful.
In recent weeks,
McCain has garnered national-news endorsements from four
newspapers; two from traditionally conservative papers,
the Manchester, N.H., Union-Leader and the Boston
Herald, and two from liberal papers, The Des Moines
Register in Iowa and The Boston Globe, that endorsed in
both parties' political primaries.
Amidst this
impressive, and effectively bipartisan, validation,
McCain's candidacy was endorsed by Connecticut Sen. Joe
Lieberman, the centrist Democrat-turned-independent.
Lieberman's endorsement carries particular political
significance. Al Gore's vice presidential running mate
in the 2000 presidential campaign, Lieberman has since
demonstrated notable political courage and independence
by staunchly defending the war in Iraq and the larger,
integral struggle against a global terrorist enemy.
Lieberman's
endorsement of McCain sends two noteworthy political
signals. First, that McCain retains the appeal to
independents that distinguished his 2000 primary
challenge of George W. Bush and without which
Republicans have no chance of winning the presidency in
2008. Second, that McCain's national security
credentials are unmatched by any other presidential
contender in either political party.
Underscoring that
latter point, McCain has also been endorsed by former
Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, still the nation's
most serious and substantive voice on foreign policy and
national security issues. That Kissinger, a notably
nonpartisan figure in recent decades, would step out of
his customary role of elder statesman to endorse
McCain's quest for the Republican presidential
nomination qualifies as hugely significant.
What marks McCain as
unique are his dual political qualifications - his
well-earned reputation for flinty independence combined
with his credentials as, in his own words, a "proud
Reagan Republican."
McCain dissented
from Republican orthodoxy on campaign finance reform,
immigration and climate change policy. Yet, over his
quarter century of congressional service he's been
reliably conservative. The American Conservative Union
rates his lifetime voting record in the House and Senate
at a staunch 82 percent.
No Republican
presidential contender comes close to his record for
fiscal responsibility. McCain is a deficit hawk who has
warred against pork-barrel overspending and
corruption-breeding congressional earmarks by Democrats
and Republicans alike. He believes that tax cuts should
be matched by spending restraints, a position amply
vindicated by experience.
On social issues,
McCain is pragmatically conservative without being
rigidly doctrinaire. He's firmly pro-life with a voting
record to match. He supports the military's "don't ask,
don't tell" policy on gays, yet opposed a proposed
constitutional amendment banning same-sex marriage on
the correctly conservative grounds that this matter
should be decided by the states.
He supports free
trade, nuclear power as a clean-energy alternative,
school choice as an education-reform imperative, lower
taxes as a spur to economic growth and the death penalty
as a deterrent to crime.
But it's national
security that stands as John McCain's strongest
qualification for the White House, all the more so in
time of war. No one running in either party comes close
to McCain's credentials. Unlike every other major
presidential contender, McCain has actual military
experience; an Annapolis education, years of active duty
as a naval aviator, air combat in Vietnam and then
five-and-a-half years as a cruelly brutalized prisoner
of war in North Vietnam.
He's the ranking
Republican on the Senate Armed Services Committee. His
grasp of military and defense issues, honed by personal
experience and 25 years in Congress, far exceeds that of
every other major presidential contender.
His bona fides as a
principled maverick willing to speak truth to power are
equally impressive. His dissent over the Bush
administration's mishandling of the Iraq war led him to
call for Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld's
resignation, and consistently urge more troops and a
change in strategy. The manifest success of the current
troop surge and its new counterinsurgency doctrine, both
strongly supported by McCain, vindicate his Iraq policy.
Beyond troop levels
and strategy, McCain's fierce devotion to the cause of
American success in Iraq especially distinguishes him.
Alone among his presidential rivals, McCain retains a
searing sense of America's failure in Vietnam and its
tragic costs. He's resolutely committed to preventing
Iraq from becoming, in fact, another Vietnam.
In politics as in
life, character is destiny. John McCain, the son and
grandson of Navy admirals, is steeped in the ethic of
service to country. His valor and principles are beyond
question, as is his fealty to causes "larger than
oneself." Who among his rivals, in either party, can say
as much?
A second look at
John McCain is the least that Republican voters owe
themselves, their party and their country.
Caldwell can be
reached via e-mail at
robert.caldwell@uniontrib.com.